Home
/
RELIGION & LIBERTY
/
A Colonial Coming of Age
A Colonial Coming of Age
Jul 2, 2026 4:10 PM

  This weekend, Americans will celebrate the 250th anniversary of our country’s independence in nationwide celebrations featuring backyard barbecues, fireworks displays, and concerts. President Donald Trump echoed the sentiments of many patriotic revelers and underscored the Declarations centrality to America’s political identity when he described the event. “With a single sheet of parchment and 56 signatures, America began the greatest political journey in human history.”

  But America didn’t begin its journey by declaring its independence. Before those 56 men signed the hallowed document, important events had already made independence a reality. By the summer of 1776, America was well on its way.

  The Declaration did not give birth to America. Its historical significance lies in recording the ideas and actions that culminated in revolution and independence and in telling America’s story. Its principal author, Thomas Jefferson, described the document as “an expression of the American mind.” Americans’ ideas about politics, self-government, and independence took shape over time, not in a moment. The political theorist Hannah Arendt put it more precisely: the Declaration is “the perfect way for an action to appear in words.” The words mattered because of the actions behind them. Those actions started America on “the greatest political journey in human history.”

  The Declaration of Independence formally ended colonial government and marked the beginning of a period of constitution writing in the states that continues to this day. The decisive event, however, didn’t occur on July 4. It happened on May 15. On that day, delegates to the Continental Congress adopted a resolution recommending that each state sever ties with Great Britain, declare independence, and rewrite its constitution to establish new legislatures, executives, and judiciaries. John Adams considered the May 15 act to be “the most important Resolution, that ever was taken in America.” It “was independence itself.”

  While the events of the summer of 1776 stand today as defining moments in America’s path to nationhood and self-government, that path began over a decade earlier when Great Britain abruptly changed its approach vis-à-vis the colonies. After the French and Indian War drained its treasury, Britain abandoned its long policy of benign neglect—leaving the colonists alone to manage their own internal affairs—and began to intervene in colonial affairs directly. That policy shift started an argument between the colonists and Parliament over fundamental political questions about sovereignty and the nature of representation. Americans didn’t answer these questions in 1776. They worked out the answers dispute by dispute across eleven contentious years.

  The Declaration of Independence is one event—an important one—in America’s founding and its rise to greatness, but it is not the whole story.

  The Stamp Act of 1765 started the debate. While the issue centered on taxation, taxation was not really the heart of the matter. The colonists’ objection to “taxation without representation” was an objection to being governed by a body—Parliament—in which they had no voice. During the period of benign neglect, the colonists became accustomed to governing themselves. That is why Americans resented Parliament’s decision to repeal the Stamp Act and pass the Declaratory Act of 1766, which asserted the right to bind the colonies “in all cases whatsoever.” And it is why, in 1773, the colonists staged the Boston Tea Party to protest a law that lowered the tax on tea. The fight wasn’t primarily about tax rates. It was about who got to decide those rates.

  What the colonists resented, in short, was being told they could not govern themselves—because by then they had been governing themselves for generations. Adams later acknowledged the source of their resentment while reflecting on the meaning of the American Revolution. In an 1818 letter, Adams asked Hezekiah Niles, “But what do we mean by the American Revolution?” “Do we mean the American War? The Revolution was effected before the War commenced. The Revolution was in the minds and hearts of the people.”

  Adams did not believe that American self-government was born in the summer of 1776. He understood that it emerged from the colonial charters that first formed the colonists into political bodies, and from the colonial assemblies, such as Virginia’s House of Burgesses and New England town meetings, where colonists gathered to deliberate and decide matters together. Americans learned a great deal about self-government in these places. From their experiences in them, they began to understand that freedom depended on their ability to participate—to share in the act of governing themselves.

  The uniquely American theory of constitutionalism that we celebrate today emerged out of the transatlantic debate. In October 1765, twenty-seven delegates from nine colonies met in New York for the Stamp Act Congress and drafted a formal statement denying Parliament’s right to tax them without their consent. It was the first time the colonies tried to speak with a single voice.

  The Continental Congresses that followed continued that effort. At the center of the emerging tradition stood two ideas that would come to define American government—that sovereignty rests with the people themselves, and that the people must be directly represented in the government. British officials insisted that the colonists were already virtually represented in Parliament. The colonists learned, however, that wasn’t the case in their own state assemblies and town meetings. They believed that representation meant choosing the people who represented you.

  So, when 56 men signed their names in Philadelphia, they were not beginning a journey. They were already deep into one—a long struggle whose object was a political system in which they could participate, in which they could be free. The Declaration gave that struggle its most memorable words. But the struggle itself had been underway for a generation.

  This is why it matters how we tell America’s story. The Declaration of Independence is one event—an important one—in America’s founding and its rise to greatness, but it is not the whole story. It is a testament to Americans acting in concert to chart a new course for their nation. Treating the signing of the Declaration as the beginning of their journey mistakes the testimony for the thing about which it testifies—to honor the record of the deed while forgetting the deed itself.

  When America celebrates its 250th birthday this July, it will honor something far larger than a single sheet of parchment. It celebrated the actions, not merely the words, that made all this possible. That is the story America should tell.

Comments
Welcome to mreligion comments! Please keep conversations courteous and on-topic. To fosterproductive and respectful conversations, you may see comments from our Community Managers.
Sign up to post
Sort by
Show More Comments
RELIGION & LIBERTY
Adam Smith and the Poor
Adam Smith did not seem to think that riches were requisite to happiness: “the beggar, who suns himself by the side of the highway, possesses that security which kings are fighting for” (The Theory of Moral Sentiments). But he did not mend beggary. The beggar here is not any beggar, but Diogenes the Cynic, who asked of Alexander the Great only to step back so as not to cast a shadow upon Diogenes as he reclined alongside the highway....
Conversation Starters with … Anne Bradley
Anne Bradley is an Acton affiliate scholar, the vice president of academic affairs at The Fund for American Studies, and professor of economics at The Institute of World Politics. There’s much talk about mon good capitalism” these days, especially from the New Right. Is this long overdue, that a hyper-individualism be beaten back, or is it merely cover for increasing state control of the economy? Let me begin by saying that I hate “capitalism with adjectives” in general. This...
Mistaken About Poverty
Perhaps it is because America is the land of liberty and opportunity that debates about poverty are especially intense in the United States. Americans and would-be Americans have long been told that if they work hard enough and persevere they can achieve their dreams. For many people, the mere existence of poverty—absolute or relative—raises doubts about that promise and the American experiment more generally. Is it true that America suffers more poverty than any other advanced democracy in the...
Jesus and Class Warfare
Plenty of Marxists have turned to the New Testament and the origins of Christianity. Memorable examples include the works of F.D. Maurice and Zhu Weizhi’s Jesus the Proletarian. After criticizing how so many translations of the New Testament soften Jesus’ teachings regarding material possessions, greed, and wealth, Orthodox theologian David Bentley Hart has gone so far to ask, “Are Christians supposed to be Communists?” In the Huffington Post, Dan Arel has even claimed that “Jesus was clearly a Marxist,...
C.S. Lewis and the Apocalypse of Gender
From very nearly the beginning, Christianity has wrestled with the question of the body. Heretics from gnostics to docetists devalued physical reality and the body, while orthodox Christianity insisted that the physical world offers us true signs pointing to God. This quarrel persists today, and one form it takes is the general confusion among Christians and non-Christians alike about gender. Is gender an abstracted idea? Is it reducible to biological characteristics? Is it a set of behaviors determined by...
Up from the Liberal Founding
During the 20th century, scholars of the American founding generally believed that it was liberal. Specifically, they saw the founding as rooted in the political thought of 17th-century English philosopher John Locke. In addition, they saw Locke as a primarily secular thinker, one who sought to isolate the role of religion from political considerations except when necessary to prop up the various assumptions he made for natural rights. These included a divine creator responsible for a rational world for...
How Dispensationalism Got Left Behind
Whether we like it or not, Americans, in one way or another, have all been indelibly shaped by dispensationalism. Such is the subtext of Daniel Hummel’s provocative telling of the rise and fall of dispensationalism in America. In a little less than 350 pages, Hummel traces how a relatively insignificant Irishman from the Plymouth Brethren, John Nelson Darby, prompted the proliferation of dispensational theology, especially its eschatology, or theology of the end times, among our ecclesiastical, cultural, and political...
Spurgeon and the Poverty-Fighting Church
Religion & Liberty: Volume 33, Number 4 Spurgeon and the Poverty-Fighting Church by Christopher Parr • October 30, 2023 Portrait of Charles Spurgeon by Alexander Melville (1885) Charles Spurgeon was a young, zealous 15-year-old boy when he came to faith in Christ. A letter to his mother at the time captures the enthusiasm of his newfound Christian faith: “Oh, how I wish that I could do something for Christ.” God granted that wish, as Spurgeon would e “the prince of...
Lord Jonathan Sacks: The West’s Rabbi
In October 1798, the president of the United States wrote to officers of the Massachusetts militia, acknowledging a limitation of federal rule. “We have no government,” John Adams wrote, “armed with power capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion. Avarice, ambition, and revenge or gallantry, would break the strongest cords of our Constitution as a whale goes through a net.” The nation that Adams had helped to found would require the parts of the body...
Creating an Economy of Inclusion
The poor have been the main subject of concern in the whole tradition of Catholic Social Teaching. The Catholic Church talks often about a “preferential option for the poor.” In recent years, many of the Church’s social teaching documents have been particularly focused on the needs of the poorest people in the world’s poorest countries. The first major analysis of this topic could be said to have been in the papal encyclical Populorum Progressio, published in 1967 by Pope...
Related Classification
Copyright 2023-2026 - www.mreligion.com All Rights Reserved